1803

Thomas Beddoes to the Editor of The Morning Post, 28 September 1803

THE ENGLISH IN FRANCE

MR. EDITOR—I have lately observed in the Papers some general observations respecting our countrymen detained in France at the commencement of hostilities. I am surprised that more full and authentic particulars have not transpired; for such, I suppose, must have been received, though, perhaps, the vigilance of the French Post-office may have intercepted most of the accounts that state grievances. I have, however, one before me, which has escaped, and whose substance ought, in my opinion, to be universally known. I copy it, omitting only personal and local indications, lest they should by any chance aggravate, if that be possible, the sufferings of the writer and his party.

‘You may have dreamed of me,’ says the writer, addressing a near friend in the stile of intimacy: ‘you may have imagined me a prisoner of war in ---; thence conducted, with a guard in company, with --- other English Gentleman, amongst whom is --- --- to ---. You may conceive that we were travelling at the rate of two miles and a half an hour in a heat of ninety-six degrees! You may see us enter into the town under arched ways, across drawbridges, through strong fortifications, &c. to be considered as prisoners of war, or rather of peace. When you awake, you may find a letter on your table from me, in which it will appear that your dream was a reality; and that I am really a prisoner in one of the most musty and unwholesome holes that ever was seen. The daemon of damp, and the genius ague, seem as if they here held their court; and damp is what disagrees with me, more than any thing else. I was seized with the most violent pain of the stomach, and extraordinary distension of the belly. It was supposed for some time I had the tape-worm. But I took castor oil, and no symptoms appeared. This illness I am particularly subject to in damp weather. I may therefore expect a most horrid winter here. I have sent a petition, however, to TALLEYRAND and BERTHIER; but alas almost all the English Petitions have been thrown into the fire, mine will suffer the same fate. I shall not dwell upon the diabolocosity of this measure, or my letter would most likely not get to you. --- --- --- ---. When I told the General that I had no money, he said that was nothing to him, for go I must. I shall write to --- soon, to give an account of how many of us die by poison; how many of us by the scaffold; how many of the pip; how many by self-destruction in November, and how many of us by famine, amongst whom I fear will be

Your’s &c. &c

Dated last month.’

Of the letter, though not addressed to me, I have obtained possession, and from my knowledge of the writer’s hand, and the French post-mark, its authenticity is beyond all question. I am not less thoroughly persuaded of the truth of the whole statement. It requires no commentary. We have not here the rigour of a turnkey, who deems himself secure in secrecy, and tortures prisoners at his mercy, in order either to indulge his acquired barbarity, or for the purpose of extortion. The General and the guard characterize it as an act of the public authority; and I know not if we can find any thing parallel in modern history on this side of the dungeons of Seringapatam. One cannot mistake or misinterpret that spirit, which, amid mighty preparations for the destruction of the whole country, can find leisure to look around, and by what of when, crush a few of our straggling countrymen, accused of no offence but that of being born British subjects, and unwarily relying upon the common prescriptive courtesy of European States towards foreigners in quest of health, pleasure, or improvement. During the late war, certain Powers did allow themselves acts of unjustifiable severity towards persons not their own subjects. But they were at least exercised upon obnoxious public characters, in whose previous conduct no equitable man could find a reason or an excuse for the proceeding, though any man can imagine how it might operate as an incentive to the blind vengeance of persons ‘wrapped in a little brief authority.’ – But, in the present case, vengeance falls upon young people (for such are the letter writer, and a companion the names), who had gone abroad for instruction in language and science, and who, after their detention as prisoners of peace, do not appear to have broken the rules prescribed to them.

Strong feelings connect themselves equally with a good or bad cause. Addresses and orators animate only their own party; and counter-addresses and speeches may easily be opposed to their effusions. But as far as any moral cultivation has extended in the world, we may yet hope that there exists a sense of equity, open to the appeal by facts. Such evidence is fit to be addressed to the nations of France as Jury; nor need France herself be challenged. Though intimidated from joining in the verdict, such evidence must work inward conviction. She was equally intimidated under Robespierre. But we certainly know that her silence was not to be construed into approbation of the decree against making no prisoners in battle. Why should we doubt but she will feel for the cruel oppression, and probable slow murder, of defenceless and unoffending travellers, as she did upon occasion of that sanguinary decree.

The misfortune is, that the slavery of the French press prevents such occurrences from becoming matter of general notoriety there. It has occurred to me, that if simple statements, such as the preceding, and as the assertions of SIR ROBERT WILSON, were translated into French, and dispersed among our French prisoners, it would, in some measure, lift the veil under which the present Ruler labours to conceal his iniquities, and [word obscured] engine of his tyranny.

[Words obscured] a conclusion which inevitably follows, [words obscured] we know by the testimony of particular persons. The rancour of BONAPARTE is nothing exclusive. If it burst forth at present against the English, it is only because we are the great stumbling block in the way of his passions. The moment Russia or Prussia thwarts his inclinations, the country and its natives will become the objects, the one of his menaces, and the other of his cruelty. His impartiality in oppression is strongly witnessed by the fate of Hanover, and the declarations of EMMET. Do we require stronger proof that he will make no difference or exceptions? We find it in his conduct towards his own wounded soldiers in Egypt – the very Frenchmen who had fought his battles! – Yet the moment that stood in the way of his convenience, it was –

Off with his head: so much for Buckingham! –

To authenticate as far as possible the preceding proof of a truth so interesting to mankind, I add my name; and am, Sir, respectfully your’s,

Thomas Beddoes

P.S. I observe with pleasure the very general zeal of the opponents of the late Administration in opposing the threatened invasion. There is the most perfect consistency in being alert to defend the country against the evils of both, and in proportioning exertion to the representative magnitude of those evils.

Published: The Morning Post, 1 October 1803