1792

Thomas Beddoes to Davies Giddy, 6 March [1792]

6^th of March

Dear Giddy

I certainly think myself obliged to you for your speedy answer concerning Sadler’s engine He is now erecting one at C Dale upon [xxxx] <the same> principle but of a diff^t construction, which I am told will answer; but I am not sure that the judgment of those who approve of it can be much relied on. I do not gather from your letter that he has gained much by his new scheme. [There seems to be nothing two deleted lines follow] as to the execution at least. I think however that hardly any man is so likely to overcome practical difficulties. By working with one cylinder or steam vessel he w^d have over Hornblower, I imagine, advantages in point of œconomy, inertia & <perhaps> friction. Are there any others? & will you, if he sh^d improve his scheme, make an estimate of these at a time of greater leisure? Indeed you have already engaged in the service. And depend upon it your letter, which I shall put into his hands immediately, will make him more eager to communicate with you than he was before unwilling. He will likewise give you some credit. For he has said twenty times that you know nothing of the matter, a piece of information which for his sake I w^d not communicate if it c^d possibly have any other effect than to make you smile.

Since the French Constⁿ must be either entirely overturned, or the nation must suffer much [xxxx] before they can acquire peaceable possession of it, it may be worth while to make a catalogue of the difficulties that have prevented its peaceful establishment. I do not pretend to guess at them all but it is impossible to read the French papers with^t noticing several. 1. There was not a sufficient diffusion of information; although no language can shew so many good political treatises & so many books in which the evils of superstition & despotism are exposed in such a variety of ways, yet they had not circulated through the farthest ramifications of society so much as I imagined. Many departments are now overrun by fanaticism. There is not indeed the shadow of a difference in the rituals, dogmas or ceremonies, but those attached to the non-conforming clergy are as violent ag^t the constitutional clergy, as our fellow traveller was ag^t the Unitarians. The anarchy arising from this fanatical spirit has certainly a most pernicious effect in Society & at the same time exhibits a most odious spectacle to foreign countries. 2. Those very places which are most free from religion are infected to a great degree with [xxxx] political fanaticism. Instead of agreeing to secure what they have gained, the friends of liberty are disputing about the merits of some nice points such as the qualification for active citizens, electors &c I am afraid many are impatient for a republic all which disputes are so ill-timed & carried on with such a spirit of violence as to assume the air of fanaticism. They ought to make two obvious reflections. 1. that in three years which is not more than time enough to secure their acquisitions, they may set about the improvement of their constitution with^t any thing like faction & 2. that for centuries to come & perhaps for ever the speculations of ingenious <men> must [outstrip the] outstrip the operations of legislative bodies, whatever may be the degree of their wisdom & integrity. This observation w^d require to be explained & exemplified, if I did not know to whom I was making it. 3. This unreasonable discontent together with the unavoidable admission of concealed mal-contents has occasioned some disagreements between the inferior & superior administrative bodies. This jarring in the movements of the machine has a particularly ungrateful effect & produces great exultation among the Aristocrates at home & abroad; ‘we told you what w^d happen as soon as the clumsy piece of workmanship was put in motion’. They want candour, & many of their hearers want sense, to make the smallest allowance: therefore [xxxx] it is vain to attempt an explanation. Yet according to an authentic statement more than 4000 lawsuits were settled in eleven months by the constitutional arbitrators in Paris alone: more than one half of the whole number! I wonder what may be the average number of annual litigations between the inhabitants of London. Had the rest of the kingdom been as worthy of the new constⁿ as the Parisians, they w^d never have been in their present predicament. Yet they are too much infected with what I have, perhaps not happily, termed political fanaticism. 4. The disapprobation of all foreign courts & all persons attached to established abuses has had a curious operation upon the proceedings in France. They went on at first with reliance upon the rectitude of their measures & trusting that the event w^d justify them soon in the eyes of all mankind. Now their enemies lay hold of every thing that falls out amiss whether it c^d or c^d not be prevented by human foresight. Even what passes in their own country as a matter of course is brought as an objection to the new order of things in France. And these reproaches, being heard & respected among the French, favour the insinuations & attempts of the counter-revolutionists. And so, you see, the one & the other mutually become cause & effect. 5. I am afraid that mistaken notions concerning the operation of the new system have prevailed too generally. I do not reproach the Constituent Ass^y for not foreseeing the consequences of these mistaken notions & taking some measures of prevention, such as the publication of an address at their breaking up. But I wish they could have had so much foresight. Mr D’André, certainly the man of the most calm & steady wisdom amongst them once said ‘we cannot expect the French to be all heroes’ [xxxx xxxx] he might have added ‘& but a very small proportion of them philosophers’. The nation ought therefore to have been made sensible, if possible, of the particularly ideas comprehended under the term ‘good’ when applied to the a constitution. I fear in the disappointment of their sanguine expectations many are now ready to ask Cui Bono? in the spirit this question is often asked respecting discoveries in science. What is it good for, if it does not at once bring us something to eat or put money into our pockets? They sh^d have been strongly impressed with the idea that along with other evils it c^d only remove impediments to industry & by no means with^t the cooperation of man cover the land, as by magic, with more flourishing crops. – I cannot affirm or deny any thing that is said respecting the present Assembly. That they lose time & do nothing may be true in part. But it was said by those who as loudly undermined the last assembly on the same account & who now commend that assembly at the expence of the present. Nothing can now be attended to but measures of the moment; & whether these are well or ill taken I am not able to judge. I am ready to suspect their ability but I cannot condemn in the gross with^t stating or proving any <specific> articles of impeachment. The disasters of St Domingo will be severely felt. I know not how the manufactories will house new materials as cotton &c now the exchange is so much ag^t them. I have no idea yet that the Despots will strike the first blow, till a considerable part of the nation throws off the authority of the Nat^l Ass^y. – They will then invite the Princes & the Despots will assist. They will not however, I am afraid, satisfy the ass^y that they meditate no hostile designs.

The relation between the state of society & the Nat^l rights has, I imagine, been cleared up or very nearly so by the French œconomists – Quesnai, Mirabeau Senior, Turgot & lately more fully by Syeyes. I have long wished to see the writings of men whom A. Smith allows to approach so nearly to truth in their whole system & perhaps to be quite right in this part. There is not the smallest difficulty in deducing these rights from A. Smith’s theory of moral sentiments. I believe your distinction of primary & secondary is a good one. I do not know at present whether it w^d not be better to make a catalogue, instead of classes. The number is not so great perhaps as to require an expedient, always attended with inaccuracy. Therefore suppose you endeavor to bring your feelings to the standard of the bulk of mankind & place their rights according to their estimation beginning with Life. I believe in this way you will solve the difficulty you start respecting the imposition of taxes. I think the œconomists are perfectly accurate when they say that no right is given up; that the imposition of taxes is no exception (or w^d be <none> with a good gov^t) to the position that men enter into Society to secure all their rights. If you do not catch the idea, I will try to state it in another letter – if you do, I sh^d be glad to be confirmed or corrected.

Your last letter concludes with a paradoxical position, such as a person states with a smile & a desire to provoke opposition. Obstinacy is a bad thing. You I am sure <[xxxx xxxx xxxx]> in the education of rich & poor w^d guard ag^t it; & if so, you think it not a good <thing as the> succedaneum of wisdom or the consolation of ignorance. It does no service & affords no satisfaction to others, that is clear. As to a man’s self, the satisfaction of mind afforded by the pride of obstinacy does not I suppose exceed the pleasure of acquiring information. Obstinacy in each particular instance is folly – but every obstinate man is not foolish nor destitute of sagacity. You know a fellow of Pembroke who is a perfect mule & yet capable of anything. You c^d never make him allow the rights of man independent of convention: for obstinate <people> very often persevere in assertion, when they no longer believe in their opinions –

I wrote to you some time since in bad French. There was nothing of the smallest consequence in the letter. I suppose I wished to hide its emptiness under the veil of a foreign language. How often has Latin served this purpose?

I have not received the French papers & your last letter but one concludes with an unfinished question about oxygenated marine acid –

Yours faithfully

T.B

Address: Davies Giddy Esq^re / Tredrea / Marazion / Cornwall
Endorsement: Doctor Beddoes / 1792 / March the 6^th
Stamped: SHEFNAL
MS: Cornish Archives MS DG 41/11